A (Sovereign) National Conference has just been concluded in Venezuela, while one will be concluded (hopefully) in Zimbabwe in January 2000.
Venezuela is in many ways like Nigeria: poor, but oil-rich. The new Venezuelan constitution approved BY REFERENDUM on December 15, 1999 was primarily INSTIGATED by the populist president - and Obasanjo military look-alike - Hugo Chavez. Read with me about Venezuela:
Francisco Sosa has spent most of his life as a street vendor in a Caracas slum selling apples, used books, ice cream, and clothes. Now he has a grander goal: helping to write a new constitution for Venezuela.
Mr. Sosa is among the hundreds of politicians and ordinary Venezuelans who are running for a seat in a constituent assembly that will write a new magna carta - the centerpiece of President Hugo Chávez's governing agenda.
In a national referendum on April 25, about 92 percent of voters backed Mr. Chávez's proposal to form a constituent assembly. They'll return to the polls July 25 to elect the 131 assembly members and should vote again early next year on whether to approve the redrafted writ.
Critics warn that Chávez may use the assembly to broaden his own power. In an attempt to keep the process from falling into opposition hands, Chávez accepted the resignations last week of his chief of staff and four ministers - all of whom will run for the assembly.
Venezuela is alive with debate about the Constitution, from villages in Amazon rain forests to slums in Caracas. An irreverent new play called "Re-Constitution" is the hottest ticket in town.
Grass-roots groups, unions, and professional organizations are nominating candidates, plotting campaign strategies, and writing proposed amendments. These run from eliminating sexist language in the Constitution to choosing local judges in elections.
The nation has had 25 constitutions since independence 188 years ago. Critics say adopting No. 26 will do little to address the country's fundamental problems, but to others, the process is a shining example of democracy at work.
"It's the first time in 500 years that the people have been asked what they want," said Sosa as he sat in his tiny street stall.
..more
(c) Copyright 1999 The Christian Science Publishing Society.
All rights reserved.
On Venezuela SNC - 3
info
C O N I V E
National Indigenous Council of Venezuela
For Immediate Release: July 19, 1999
Indigenous Leaders Elect Three Representatives to Historical Process to Revamp Venezuela's Constitution
Caracas, Venezuela - Some six-hundred delegates representing 34 indigenous tribes participated in the National Assembly of Indigenous Peoples July 17 through 18 and elected three representatives to the National Constituent Assembly.
Three prominent indigenous leaders, José Luis González, Guillermo Guevara, and Noelí Pocaterra were elected by an overwhelming majority of 453 votes, 456 votes, and 459 votes respectively to represent indigenous peoples in the historic Constituent Assembly to rewrite a more equitable Venezuelan constitution.
The three elected are the same indigenous leaders that were elected during an Extraordinary Congress of the Indigenous Peoples of Venezuela which took place March 21-24 of this year in the state of Bolivar. However, the results of the March elections were not officially recognized by the National Electoral Council who called for new elections.
The latest assembly organized by CONIVE, the National Indigenous Council of Venezuela took place under pressure and supervision from the National Electoral Council (CNE), which oversees all aspects of the electoral process in Venezuela. "The results of the latest elections shows that our previous election was fair and representative," said Jose Poyo, the General Coordinator of CONIVE.
The 600 delegates were selected in regional assemblies, also jointly organized by CONIVE and CNE which were held throughout the country during 12-16 of July. Through this process, the participation of indigenous populations living throughout the country was guaranteed.
José Luis González, Noelí Pocaterra and Guillermo Guevara expressed to the assembly their commitment to advance the Indigenous Constituent Plan approved by the previous Congress in March of 1999 in Ciudad Bolivar, Venezuela.
The main points of plan are the recognition of Venezuela as a multi-ethnic, multicultural country; the rights of indigenous peoples to their ancestral lands, and to maintain their language and culture; the right to practice traditional medicine; and respect for their form of self-government and traditional authority. Noelí Pocaterra, the last speaker promised to become "the voice of those without voice, the voice of women, the voice of children and elderly, the voice of the street vendors and all those who have been excluded."
The elected constituent representatives will await the ratification of the election results by the CNE to be able to join the other 128 constituent assembly representatives which are to be elected in national elections on July 25. In the last ten years, many Latin American countries such as Ecuador, Brazil and Colombia have revised their constitutions to include articles on the legal protection of cultures and lands of indigenous peoples. Venezuela's constitution was last revised in 1961 and does not include any legal guarantees for indigenous peoples.
For more information contact: Beatriz Bermudez 011 58 2 564-1368
email bbermude@me.gov.ve
Amazon Watch (310) 456-1340
email: amazon@amazonwatch.org
UNQUOTE
If Venezuela can do it, why not Nigeria? Note that there was a sitting National Assembly and a sitting president, so this talk in Nigeria as if the process is a no-no when we have a NA is of no moment. The new Venezuelan constitution may have given the presidency too much power - and
apparently most of the people had not read it - but at least THE PROCESS enabled the people to participate MORE DIRECTLY in constitution-making.
Let us take another example, Zimbabwe.
Let me quote to you their own experience, from The Economist of December 18, 1999:
QUOTE
Zimbabwe
Mugabe's Charter
Harare
Hundreds of Zimbabweans gathered in the rain in Harare last week to protest at President Robert Mugabe's draft constitution. They had a court order declaring their march to be legal. But the police tossed aside the order and used tear-gas and truncheons to break up the demonstration. So much for legality - and the hopes of a new regime.
People responded enthusiastically last June when Mr. Mugabe offered them the chance to write a new constitution. But now they feel they have been hoodwinked. When the draft was made public earlier this month, it was revealed as a document that simply maintains the oppressive status quo.
Mr. Mugabe had responded to public pressur by setting up a commmission that would find out what people wanted, and then present a draft for approveal in a referendum. But the composition of the commission raised doubts. Although a few government critics were included, its 400 members were mainly people loyal to Mr. Mugabae's ZANU-PF party.
All the same, over 1 million people attended the public hearings. Their message was clear: reduce the president's powers and make things more democratic.
The draft constitution does not reflect those views. When members of the commission dared to criticise it, the chairman, Judge Godfrey Chiyausiku, abruptly curtailed the debate and, with a bang of his gavel, declared it adopted without a vote. The result is a document that allows Mr. Mugabe, now aged 75, to run - or totter - for two more five-year terms.
Draconian emergency powers are permitted. Elections will not be independently administered. The bill of rights is weak and there are provisions to keep the press in order.
The National Constitutional Assembly, the citizens' group that originally campaigned for a new constitution, wants the draft rejected in the referendum in January. The group is preparing an alternative document which it says should also be on the referendum ballot so that people can
choose between "the president's constitution" and the "people's constitution." Small hope.
UNQUOTE
If Zimbabwe is having an SNC, albeit wobbling along, why not Nigeria?
SNC IN NIGERIA
We have long asked for an SNC in Nigeria, but what may FINALLY happen in Nigeria if intransigence continues is the Zimbabwean route: a CITIZENS' GROUP leading an effort to see whose constitution is approved: The Peoples' Constitution or Okadigbo's Constitution!
But between here and there, there is still a lot of work to be done.
In my usual "proactive" mode, I now provide some further thoughts on the composition of the Sovereign National Conference (SNC) for your consideration as another follow-up to my last "Sunday Musings: How an SNC might be organized." (December 12, 1999). Sketches of this were first presented in my Saturday Essays of July 21, 1998, with appropriate revisions.
The motivation
For too long, we have concentrated on "who rules Nigeria" rather than "what kind of Nigeria someone rules over." However, we must now re-focus: what we we must do before any other thing is the creation of STRUCTURES and ENABLING ENVIRONMENTS that are respected by all, which will enable millions of ORDINARY NIGERIANS, a few thousand EXTRAORDINARY NIGERIANS, and a dozen or so SUPER-EXTRAORDINARY NIGERIANS to operate and maximize their talents with determination and efficiency, and for progress.
We do not need a political messiah or messiahs in Nigeria - in any case, I see none in horizon - but what we need is agreement on a STRUCTURAL ETHOS.
That "structural ethos" must have as its bedrock the following:
- A COMMITMENT TO UNIVERSAL DEMOCRACY and PERSONAL FREEDOMS (even their most basic definitions will do);
- an understood-by-all and inclusionary CONSTITUTION and a simple, justiciable BILL OF RIGHTS;
- A COMMITMENT TO RULE OF LAW AND FREE JUDICIARY, and A FREE PRESS; and
- PARTICIPATORY GOVERNANCE AS CLOSE AND ACCOUNTABLE TO THE PEOPLE AS POSSIBLE. This certainly includes the crucial issue of autonomy.
All of these issues, and particularly the issue of autonomy, must be paramount in a Sovereign National Conference.
Some background on "Sovereign National Conference"
In a document which I have in my hands released by the Movement for National Reformation (MNR) in December 1992, and signed by Chief Enahoro (as Interim Chairman), Chief Mokwugo Okoye (Interim Vice-Chairman), and Dr. Olu Onagoruwa (as Interim General Secretary), it states (page 3):
Begin Quote
Press Statement
Issued on
Sunday, 20th December, 1992
"Time for Fundamental Change"
It will be recalled that at a National Press Conference in Lagos earlier this year, I said: I believe that what Nigeria needs today is a Movement to agitate for multi-party democracy, for a dramatic change of policies and programmes from what they have been in recent years, and for
restructuring the Federation of Nigeria.
I am pleased to announce, on behalf of colleagues from various parts of Nigeria and in my behalf, that such a movement has been formed and that it was launched in Benin City on 5th December, 1992.
The name of the movement is "The Movement for National Reformation" (MNR)
The objectives of the Movement are, in brief,
- to salvage and reform Nigeria,
- to chart a new course for peaceful and democratic co-existence,
- to eliminate the threat of domination from our common life,
- and to map out a new strategy to ensure the survival of Nigeria and our collective
development;
In short , to offer our country an alternative way forward, out of the nation's present dilemna.
These objectives are set out in the "Founding Resolution" of the Movement which is attached to this Statement.
The Movement was founded after nationwide consultations with individuals and groups, which culminated in a meeting in Benin City.
The Founding Meeting, after lengthy deliberations, adopted positions on the fundamental issues confronting our country.
These positions are set out in a "Position Paper" attached to this statement.
At the end of the deliberations in Benin, the Movement was launched and three interim officers were elected and charged with the responsibility of continuing consultations in various parts of Nigeria and of initiating arrangements for a conference at which various arrnangements for a
conference at which various national policies will be discussed and elections will take place to constitute an executive body fully representative of different parts of the country.
The officers elected are Mr. Mokwugo Okoye of Enugu as Interim Vice Chairman, Dr. Olu Onagoruwa of Lagos as Interim General Secretary and myself as Interim Chairman.
The country will remember that in a speech on 16th October this year, the Military Head of State, General Ibrahim Babangida, stated that "our current political situation requires a dialectical solution..."
The country will also recall that in a recent public statement, a former Civilian Head of State, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, called for a national dialogue to resolve some of the country's problems.
The Movement of National Reformation endorses these views as well as various calls for a National Conference and assures the nation of its determination to play a robust part, in the national interest, in seeking a "dialectical solution" and in promoting a national dialogue towards that end.
Further public statements will be issued by the Movement from time to time.
Chief Anthony Enahoro, C.F.R.
Benin City
20th December, 1992
End quote
MNR had its own ideas about restructuring Nigeria which it spelt out in the 15-page document.
But, more important to our discussions here is what they write on Page 7:
QUOTE
"The Movement for National Reformation suggests that the National Conference should be composed of 100 delegates chosen on the following basis:
- 100 delegates from each proposed federating unit, distributed proportionately among the nationalities or sub-ethnic groups as the case may be within the federating unit;
- 200 delegates chosen from among themselves by special interest groups including voluntary organizations and professional bodies, women's organizations, trade union, political associations, the Nigerian Bar Association, ASUU, NANS and human rights organizations."
UNQUOTE
The first thing that we must note by the dated quoted (December 1992) is that the concept of a "[Sovereign] National Conference" is not a NADECO creation (to the welcome relief of those who have a NADECO "allergy"!), but rather a carry-over from Enahoro/Okoye/Onagoruwa MNR's proposal in the years preceding the June 12, 1993 election.
This is another fact that needs to be stated VERY CLEARLY for Nigerians and the world to know - it is not merely a NADECO demand or an Abiola-supporters demand, and it has wider Nigerian support than often portrayed. [Beko Kuti's Campaign for Democracy (CD) may have added the word "Sovereign", to underline its desired inviolability by the military, an important qualification which has since stuck.]
This in fact was most probably also the allure that made Onagoruwa join the Abacha government (the allure of Abacha's originally-announced Constitutional Conference turninng into a "Sovereign
National Conference".
My own preliminary views of the composition of the Final Summit of the Sovereign National Conference are as follows, after mini-conferences (including street, ward, village, state, national) of each of the groups:
FROM CONFERENCE OF ETHNIC NATIONALITIES
- Representatives from each ETHNIC NATIONALITY, no matter its size. With numbers like 200 to 300, and a minimum number of 2 per small-sized nationality and a maximum number of 10 per large-size nationality (depending on population), that makes about 1000 to 1500.
The first six major ethnic groups (in terms of population) - that is Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani, Igbo, Ijaw, Tiv and Ibibio - should have the same number of delegates (the maximum number decided).
FROM THE CONFERENCE OF THE MASSES
- One representative chosen from each local government. That makes something like 800. This could be the local government chairman, to present the consensus view of the village, ward, town, etc. delegates.
FROM THE CONFERENCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY
- 30 Higher Education Student Representatives;
- 30 Representatives of Lawyers;
- 30 Representatives of Labour and the Trades;
- 30 Representatives of Women;
- 30 Representatives from the Nigerian Human Rights Community;
- 30 Representatives from Nigerians abroad;
- 30 Representatives from the Army, rank of Major and below;
- 30 Representatives from Old Politics;
- 30 Representatives from the Traditional Institutions;
- 30 Religious Representatives: 10 each from Christianity, Islam and the Traditional Religions.
- 30 Representatives from the Universities (Faculty and Staff).
- 30 Representatives from the Business Community
- 30 Representatives from Categories not Covered Above
FROM THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY & STATE LEGISLATURES
- All 109 Senators
- All 306 House of Representatives
- All 36 Speakers of the Houses of Assemblies
The numbers "30" is to provide room for 5 per political zone, if that is how the various categories want to choose their delegates. These numbers could be increased if considered necessary.
These individuals will form a Final Summit of the Sovereign National Conference delegate count of about 3000-4000 Delegates, whose duty it is to ratify what should be on a ballot for a referendum. GOVERNMENT SHALL APPOINT NOBODY TO SUCH A CONFERENCE.
Have a Merry Xmas and A Happy New Year.
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